






GLOSSARY
Abortion
In public policy debate, abortion has come to mean a pregnancy's termination by
deliberately expelling or removing a fetus from the uterus.
Viability
The point at which the
fetus/unborn child can live a sustained life outside the mother's uterus. |
CHAPTER 5: ISSUES
Abortion
BACKGROUND
[APRIL 1, 1998] According
to the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1.2 million abortions were
performed in 1995; this is down 4.5 percent from 1994 and 15 percent from the peak of 1.4
million in 1990. In 1992, estimates show that 89 percent of abortions took place during
the first 12 weeks of pregnancy (the first trimester), and 99 percent occurred within the
first 20 (the estimates are based on information from Alan Guttmacher Institute
abortion-provider surveys, abortion surveillance reports by the federal Centers for
Disease Control, and unpublished data for 14 states compiled by the National Center for
Health Statistics).
Michigan Data
The latest data available from the Michigan Department of Community Health (MDCH) show
that in 1996, 30,208 abortions were performed in Michigan, a decline of 3 percent from the
previous year, 17 percent from 1990, and 34 percent from 1980. (Data from the state may
not reflect the true prevalence of abortion because while reporting is required, abortion
providers may not report all the procedures they perform. The Guttmacher numbers are
higher, which may be due to the fact that it surveys abortion providers rather than
relying on written provider reports.)
The reasons for the decline in abortions are intensely debated by pro-life
and pro-choice advocates. The following are most frequently offered; the decrease probably
is attributable to a combination rather than a single factor:
Diminished
access to abortion because of the ban on paying for abortions with
Medicaid funds
Parental
and informed-consent laws
Decrease
in the number of abortion providers
Wider
and more effective contraception use
Growth
in the number of adolescents abstaining from sex
Increased
teaching of abstinence and/or sex education in schools
Changing
age distribution of females in their reproductive years
Of the abortions reported in Michigan in 1996,
84
percent occurred during the first 12 weeks of pregnancy,
99
percent occurred within the first 20 weeks of pregnancy,
females
aged under 20 accounted for 21 percent (down from 31 percent in
1980),
women
aged 2024 accounted for 32 percent,
women
aged 2529 accounted for 23 percent,
women
aged 30 and older accounted for 24 percent,
unmarried
females accounted for 83 percent, and
of
the females who had abortions that year, 48 percent had previously
had one.
There currently are approximately 70 clinics, physicians offices,
and other facilities, located in 22 counties, that provide abortions in Michigan. The
precise number of legal abortion providers is uncertain, as some may not report that they
perform the procedure.
Since December 1988 Michigan has not paid for abortions through the
Medicaid program, except to save a womans life. (In 1987 about 18,000
Medicaid-funded abortions were performed.) In 1994 the federal government added rape and
incest to the exceptions a state must make. It is very difficult to determine the Michigan
bans effect on abortions and birth rates; although abortion rates dropped and birth
rates rose immediately following the ban, these changes vary widely by geography and have
leveled out over time.
Legal History
In 1973 the U.S. Supreme Court, in Roe v. Wade, ruled that the
constitutional right to privacy extends to a womans decision, in consultation with
her physician, to terminate her pregnancy. The same ruling says that states may prohibit
abortion in the third trimester unless a womans life or health is endangered
("health" has not been defined precisely). In 1989, in Webster v. Reproductive
Health Services, the Court reopened the door to state regulation of
pre-third-trimester abortion by upholding Missouris 1986 law (1) declaring that life
begins at conception and (2) prohibiting public facilities from being used for abortions
not necessary to save a womans life. The Court allowed the declaration that life
begins at conception because it believed there was insufficient evidence that the
declaration would restrict protected activities such as abortion.
Following Webster, many state legislatures imposed new
restrictions on abortion. In fact, while debate continues as to whether abortion should be
permitted at all or only in very limited circumstances, most recent judicial decisions and
legislative activity have focused on restrictions to abortion (or access to abortion
providers) that fall short of an outright ban.
DISCUSSION
Few issues engender more controversy than abortion. The main and
opposing camps on the issue are "pro-life," which includes people who oppose
abortion in all (or almost all) circumstances, and "pro-choice," which includes
people who believe a woman has the right to choose whether she will have an abortion in
all (or almost all) circumstances. These camps disagree on most aspects of the issue,
including how they refer to themselves and the others.
Pro-life advocates often call pro-choice advocates "pro-abortion."
Pro-choice supporters argue that they do not prefer abortion to
childbirth or adoption, but they do favor a womans right to
choose for herself, which is why they call themselves pro-choice.
On the other hand, pro-choice supporters
often call pro-life forces "anti-abortion." This reflects
the pro-choice belief that life does not begin at conception. Pro-life
advocates counter that it does, and therefore "pro-life"
is more accurate than "anti-abortion." (In this piece,
we use "pro-choice" and "pro-life.")
To cite just one more example of the many disagreements
between the two camps, pro-choice advocates call a "fetus" that which pro-life
advocates call an "unborn child" or "baby."
Many see abortion as a black-and-white issuethat is, one either
favors a womans right to choose to terminate her pregnancy, or one does notbut
the issues complexity allows for shades of gray. Some believe that abortion should
not be allowed under any circumstances, while others would permit it to save the
mothers life or in cases when the pregnant woman is a rape or incest victim. In
addition, some believe that abortion should not be permitted after viability (that is, the
point at which the fetus/unborn child can live a sustained life outside the mothers
uterus); pro-choice advocates view this as restricting a womans legal right to
abortion; pro-life advocates view it as saving lives. The debate over viability is
complicated because advances in medical science may well continue to reduce the number of
weeks of pregnancy before viability is achieved.
Related to the viability debate is the recent battle over "partial
birth" abortions. Again, the nomenclature itself is controversial. Pro-life
supporters define the procedure as "partial birth" because the fetus/unborn
child is partially delivered, usually feet-first, through the vagina before the abortion
is performed. Such abortions usually are performed after 20 weeks gestation, and
they contend that such abortions are particularly objectionable because the fetus/unborn
child is viable, adding that such abortions rarely are needed to save the mothers
life or even preserve her health.
Pro-choice supporters respond by defining this procedure as "dilation
and extraction" abortion, arguing that "partial birth" is a political
construct and misnomer with no equivalent in real-world medical practice; that is, the
fetus is not partially born. They further contend that these abortions rarely are
performed, and when they are, it is only to save a womans life when no other method
will suffice.
A 1996 Michigan law, Public Act 273, bans "partial birth"
abortions, allowing an exception when the mothers life is in danger. The law, which
subsequently was declared unconstitutional by U.S. District Court, defines the procedure
broadly and includes a vaginally delivered "living fetus," which is defined
vaguely and may mean from the moment of conception. The law does not mention viability or
weeks of gestation. Pro-choice advocates contend that such a vague definition could
effectively prohibit most abortions.
In 1997 Congress passed a bill banning "partial birth"
abortions, which subsequently was vetoed. The House overrode the veto, but the Senate has
not yet voted on the presidents action. In 1998 a new "partial-birth"
abortion bill was introduced in the Michigan Legislature. The bill attempts to address the
vagueness in the Michigan law that was the ground for the U.S. District Courts
declaration of unconstitutionality. At this writing, the new bill is in committee.
The Michigan Legislature has passed two other major laws in the 1990s that
restrict access to abortion. Since 1993 parental consent to abortion for minors (aged 17
and younger) has been required; the law does exempt a minor from the requirement if she
obtains a waiver from a judge. Pro-life supporters argue that the law restores parental
and familial rights. They argue that many other less momentous procedures (e.g., ear
piercing) require parental consent. Pro-choice supporters believe that it violates a
females right to decide for herself about childbearing options; they further contend
that the judicial waiver may be an undue burden for females who may not be able to prove
(or dare not try) that they have been a victim of abuse or incest in their own home.
Also in 1993 a Michigan lawtemporarily enjoined since 1994 because
two lawsuits on the issue have not been resolvedwas enacted requiring all women
seeking abortions (1) to be given state-prepared information about the procedure, (2) wait
24 hours before undergoing the procedure, and (3) sign a state-prepared informed-consent
form immediately prior to the abortion. The information includes depictions of the fetus
at the stage corresponding to the womans pregnancy, a description of the abortion
procedure, information on the risks and complications of abortion and live birth,
information on pregnancy-related services, and a prenatal care and parenting information
pamphlet. Pro-choice advocates claim that informed-consent laws are unnecessary at best
and, at worst, prevent women from exercising their right to make private decisions about
reproductive choices. They argue that evidence demonstrates that women already carefully
consider their options before choosing abortion, adding that established medical standards
ensure that women are given accurate and unbiased information about their health care
options. Moreover, they note, clinics routinely refer women who are ambivalent about their
decision for additional counseling. Pro-life advocates counter that such legislation only
enables women to make informed choices about abortion. They believe that the information
on fetal development balances what they consider biased information already offered to
women considering abortion.
These two Michigan laws follow from a 1992 U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Planned
Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey. The Court upheld a
Pennsylvania laws provisions requiring a woman to wait 24 hours before an abortion,
read state-authored materials about abortion and fetal development, and, if a minor,
obtain parental consent (or judicial waiver). In reaching its decision, the Court
reaffirmed the right of a woman to an abortion under Roe v. Wade but
revoked the definition of that right as "fundamental." The Court instead offers
a new standard of review that allows restrictions on abortion prior to viability if they
do not constitute an "undue burden" to the woman. According to the Supreme
Court, the Pennsylvania laws provisions are not unduly burdensome merely because
they attempt to discourage a woman from obtaining an abortion.
Controversy about abortion extends to federal support for family planning
services, which are funded largely through Title X of the Social Security Act. Title X
provides subsidized, affordable contraceptives and other reproductive health services (Pap
smears, breast exams, HIV testing, and screening and treatment for sexually transmitted
diseases) to more than four million low-income women each year. In 1993 President Clinton
rescinded the "gag rules" that prevented clinics from counseling women about
abortions. While Title X funds cannot be used for abortions themselves, clinics receiving
the funds now must offer "nondirective counseling" on womens options,
which include carrying a child to term, adoption, and abortion. In Michigan, pregnancy
prevention programs funded by state dollars are precluded from counseling women about
abortion. Pro-life proponents argue that the clear purpose of Title X, which Congress
enacted into law in 1970, is to provide pre-pregnancy services. The titles
authorizing language states that funds shall not be used in programs in which abortion is
a method of family planning. Pro-choice proponents counter that denying a woman
information about the full range of options violates the principle of informed consent and
her right to reproductive choice. Arguing that pro-life advocates wish to eliminate or cut
funding for Title X, pro-choice advocates add that the program does not fund abortions but
rather, by providing contraceptives and pre-pregnancy counseling, prevents unwanted
pregnancies and abortions.
Advances in medical research and technology raise new debate about
abortion. One example is "morning after" contraceptive pills, which, for 72
hours after unprotected intercourse, can prevent a fertilized egg from becoming implanted
on the uterus wall. Some pro-life forces oppose their use on the ground that the drug is a
form of abortion. More controversial still are abortifacients, drugs that induce
abortion weeks into pregnancy. Mifepristonethe generic name for RU-486, which is the
French brand name (the drug will have a new brand name if it is approved in the United
States)is available legally in France (since 1988), Great Britain (1991), and Sweden
(1992). The Bush administration banned importation of mifepristone, but in 1993 the
Clinton administration asked the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) to reconsider the ban.
Clinical trials were conducted on the drugs safety and efficacy in the United
States, and in 1996 the drug received an "approvable letter" from the FDA and
now awaits final approval. In addition to opposing abortion, pro-life forces contend that
using mifepristone leads to such serious complications as prolonged bleeding, severe
cramping, nausea, and others. (Two women have had heart attacks while taking the drug, and
one has died, events that have prompted the French government to review the drugs
use for older women and smokers.) They add that mifepristones long-term effects are
unknown.
In 1995 the New England Journal of Medicine released a study
finding that combined use of methotrexate (a chemotherapy drug) and misoprostol (an ulcer
drug) can induce abortion in early pregnancy with approximately the same effectiveness as
mifepristone. Both drugs are legally available in this country and may be prescribed by
physicians. In 1996 Planned Parenthood Federation of America began trials with this drug
combination at 17 sites across the nation, and the trials continue.
FOR
ADDITIONAL INFORMATION
Alan Guttmacher Institute
1120 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 460
Washington, DC 20036
(202) 296-4012
(202) 223-5756 FAX
www.agi-usa.org
Office of the State Registrar and
Division of Health Statistics
Community Public Health Agency
Michigan Department of Community Health
3423 North Martin Luther King, Jr. Boulevard
P.O. Box 30195
Lansing, MI 48909
(517) 335-8656
(517) 335-8711 FAX
www.mdch.state.mi.us/pha/osr
Planned Parenthood Affiliates of Michigan
P.O. Box 19104
Lansing, MI 48901-9104
(517) 482-1080
www.ppam.org
Right to Life of Michigan
2340 Porter Street, S.E.
Grand Rapids, MI 49506
(616) 532-2300
(616)532-3461 FAX
www.rtl.org
CONTENT CURRENT
AS OF APRIL 1, 1998.
Copyright 1998 Public Sector Consultants, Inc.
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